Disrupting the Houthi-al Shabaab Alliance

Two of the world’s most dangerous insurgent groups—Yemen’s Houthis and Somalia’s al-Shabaab—are now working together across the Gulf of Aden. Their operational alliance is already stretching U.S. forces thin across two theaters, exploiting the seam between U.S. Central Command (CENTCOM) and Africa Command (AFRICOM). Without action, America risks further destabilizing behavior from these venomous antagonists in one of the world’s most vital maritime chokepoints. To stop this, the Pentagon should establish a joint CENTCOM–AFRICOM task force with authority over both maritime and land operations in the Red Sea.

This is no longer a theoretical threat. U.S. intelligence last year intercepted Houthi discussions about arming al-Shabaab. Somali forces soon after seized weaponized drones traced back to Houthi supply chains. A February UN report confirmed the scope of collaboration: arms, ammunition, and explosives for al-Shabaab in exchange for piracy operations that divert naval assets from Houthi smuggling routes.

The division of labor is clear. Houthis provide advanced weaponry with Iranian backing. Al-Shabaab escalates piracy and battlefield pressure in Somalia. Together they amplify each other’s reach, while America continues treating them as separate problems. That approach must end. The U.S. military should formally recognize Houthis and al-Shabaab as a unified threat network and align operations accordingly.

There’s a military maxim saying wherever two commands meet and have a seam, adversaries will find opportunity. The CENTCOM–AFRICOM boundary across the Gulf of Aden in such a seam. CENTCOM oversees Yemen but has little sway in Somalia. AFRICOM covers East Africa but lacks the naval presence to secure the Red Sea. Existing structures like Combined Joint Task Force–Horn of Africa are limited to AFRICOM’s area of responsibility and missions in East Africa, leaving the Houthi front outside their scope. The result: gaps in intelligence, inconsistent surveillance, and no single point of accountability.

That gap is already being weaponized by our adversaries. Smugglers tied to Iran’s Revolutionary Guard Corps recently confirmed at least three distinct routes delivering weapons through Somalia and Djibouti into Houthi hands. This is precisely the seam adversaries exploit—and exactly where Washington needs unified command. A CENTCOM–AFRICOM Joint Task Force should be mandated now, with Congress appropriating dedicated funding for integrated Red Sea operations.

This fight is about far more than counterterrorism. The Suez Canal—which ships connect to via the Bab el-Mandeb Strait—accounts for 12 percent of global seaborne trade. Instability here drives up shipping costs, insurance premiums, and global energy prices. Since October 2023, Houthi attacks have reduced Suez Canal traffic by 50 percent. Meanwhile, al-Shabaab’s battlefield resurgence in Somalia threatens the stability of one of America’s few willing counterterrorism partners in East Africa.

Protecting this chokepoint requires more than ad-hoc measures. Operation PROSPERITY GUARDIAN operates under CENTCOM, while AFRICOM runs land-based counterterrorism missions—two commands fighting the same enemy in different domains. Washington must unify authority before Houthis and al-Shabaab turn the Red Sea into a permanent zone of instability serving Iran’s regional strategy.

Washington must also expand radar and drone surveillance across the Bab el-Mandeb and Somali coast. NATO allies may not be able—or willing—to commit major naval assets, but unmanned systems offer a scalable, affordable way to bring them into comprehensive maritime domain awareness. This is the right entry point for allied burden-sharing.

At the same time, the U.S. should target the financial foundations of the Houthi–al-Shabaab alliance. The Treasury and Defense Departments need to jointly disrupt smuggling revenues and Iranian financing streams, while regional partnerships—especially in Djibouti and along the Horn of Africa—should be leveraged to interdict the dhow routes sustaining this collaboration.

Recent U.S. airstrikes in Somalia—more than 70 this year, far exceeding the previous administration’s total of 51—show the seriousness of the threat. Israel’s decapitation strikes in Sanaa demonstrate the current vulnerability of Houthi leadership. But neither campaign can succeed if Washington continues treating Houthis and al-Shabaab separately.

Congress and the Pentagon must act now. A CENTCOM–AFRICOM Joint Task Force, expanding unmanned surveillance with NATO allies, and attacking the financial foundations of this partnership are the steps needed to restore control of the Red Sea. Delay risks allowing this hybrid, villainous alliance of insurgency, piracy, and drone terrorism to lock in permanent instability.

America’s resolve rests on adapting command structures to evolving threats. When enemies ignore boundaries, the U.S. military cannot afford to honor them.