The Double Standard, Part II – About Us

Before Prime Minister’s Olmert’s maiden voyage to Washington, we were approached by people from Israel and from Jewish organizations in the U.S. who wanted JINSA to participate in a campaign to get the administration to reject Mr. Olmert’s “unilateral realignment” plan for the West Bank. They were genuinely concerned about the security situation in Israel and genuinely believed that the U.S. would quash the plan if approached by the right people; we were asked, for example, to enlist retired American military officers.

Before Prime Minister’s Olmert’s maiden voyage to Washington, we were approached by people from Israel and from Jewish organizations in the U.S. who wanted JINSA to participate in a campaign to get the administration to reject Mr. Olmert’s “unilateral realignment” plan for the West Bank. They were genuinely concerned about the security situation in Israel and genuinely believed that the U.S. would quash the plan if approached by the right people; we were asked, for example, to enlist retired American military officers.

“Friends don’t let friends drive drunk,” they said, arguing for the U.S. to take control of a situation they believed was out of hand and dangerous.

One of JINSA’s immutable principles is not to take positions on internal Israeli political decision-making – Israel has a sovereign, democratically elected government for that purpose. We declined, and were denounced for our “leftist attitudes,” which will come as some surprise to both our supporters and detractors. But we were on solid ground.

It is never a good idea to foment American government criticism of actions taken by the Israeli government. It is never a good idea for Israelis to come to the U.S. to air political disagreements with their own government. It is never a good idea for American Jews to help Israelis who come to the U.S. for that purpose by inducing our government to do the dumping.

That is not to say we in the U.S. should never disagree with Israel – we can, we should, we have and we surely will again. But in no way should friends of Israel encourage the mighty machinery of the American government to substitute its judgment on critical military or political matters for the judgment of the sovereign government of Israel.

Because once you wind it up, you can’t necessarily stop it and consider, please, how often it works to Israel’s detriment. Like today, when Secretary Rice and French Foreign Minister Douste-Blazy are in accord that Israel should cease military action against Hamas and try “diplomacy” and “international intervention.”

David Steinmann, Chairman of JINSA’s Board of Advisors notes, “Israel… doesn’t need Hamas’ acknowledgement. Hamas ought to need Israel’s forbearance to exist and there is no reason in the world why that should be forthcoming or why America should be asking for it on Hamas’ behalf. It’s time for the usual formula to be turned upside down – instead of the world ‘suggesting’ that Hamas pretty please acknowledge Israel’s right to exist – how about the world acknowledge Israel’s right to destroy an enemy whose goal is Israel’s destruction?”

That’s a banner JINSA will proudly wave and a demand we will happily make of our own government – the American government that really does share fundamental values and security requirements with Israel, but which sometimes needs a pull in the right direction – the direction of support for Israel, not criticism.