Back

Port Insecurity

Grant the President this: There is more than a little anti-Arab sentiment in the uproar over a Dubai firm purchasing the British operating company running terminals at six major American seaports. Otherwise, how do you explain the lack of concern over Chinese companies running terminals at two major West Coast ports and New Orleans, the locus of much of our energy imports? Or about the original British company when there are probably as many jihadists in Britain today as there are in Dubai?

Grant the President this: There is more than a little anti-Arab sentiment in the uproar over a Dubai firm purchasing the British operating company running terminals at six major American seaports. Otherwise, how do you explain the lack of concern over Chinese companies running terminals at two major West Coast ports and New Orleans, the locus of much of our energy imports? Or about the original British company when there are probably as many jihadists in Britain today as there are in Dubai? Yesterday, the Department of Homeland Security was still trying to figure out the ownership of terminal management in all 361 U.S. ports.

The Coast Guard does, and will continue to do, port security and the tracking of ships, crews and cargo. The Customs Service does, and will continue to do, screening in the ports. The real problem is twofold – and applies to all foreign terminal ownership: first, that a management company could facilitate infiltration of people or weapons into the U.S.; and second that company officials would be briefed on American security procedures which, if given to terrorists, would make security much easier to breech.

There are two ancillary, but also real problems. The Dubai company is government-owned. The current government of the UAE is pro-American, but change in the Middle East is nerve-wracking at best. Second, the company runs terminals in places including Venezuela – having a Middle Eastern company control both ends where one end is increasingly close to Iran is even more problematic.

We are indebted to Advisory Board Member Stephen Bryen, a former Pentagon official, for pointing out that American defense companies with partial foreign ownership are required to have an American Security Board responsible for issues which, if controlled by foreign interests – even allied interests – would make Americans nervous. Accepting the rules and the authority of the Security Board is part of the deal. No Board, no deal. More than one sale fell through on that point, which is just fine with us.

Ports are not military installations, but they are considered “critical infrastructure” under an Executive Order signed by President George H.W. Bush. So why not have American Security Boards for all of America’s ports? Why not prevent Chinese, Danish, Singaporean, South Korean and British as well as Dubai owners from getting an inside look at American security practices?

The American Association of Port Authorities (AAPA) points out that not only do American ports handle 95 percent of America’s overseas commerce and 10 million cruise passengers annually, “They also enable deployment of U.S. military vessels, personnel and cargo to support our troops in Iraq and Afghanistan, while ensuring the ability of relief organizations to ship critical supplies to areas of the world hard hit by man-made and natural disasters, such as the tsunami catastrophe… 16 million jobs… $2 trillion worth of international trade annually… 27 percent of the nation’s GDP.”

You’d think we’d want to protect all that and not only from Dubai. It’s time to have a real policy to protect the management of our ports from all foreign ownership.

Publications

Key Middle East Provisions in the Fiscal Year 2026 National Defense Authorization Act
Published on December 12, 2025
Key Middle East Provisions in the Fiscal Year 2026 National Defense Authorization Act
Published on August 27, 2025
Key Middle East Provisions in the Fiscal Year 2025 National Defense Authorization Act
Published on December 17, 2024
A Long, Hot Summer for National Defense Authorization Act Negotiations Begins
Published on July 17, 2024
Biden Threatens to Stop Arms Shipments to Israel, Harming Both Countries
Published on May 8, 2024
Key Points of Congressional Funding for Israel
Published on April 26, 2024
The Fight For Emergency Funding for Israel in Congress Intensifies
Published on February 9, 2024
Actions by the United Nations Undermine Israel’s Right to Self-Defense
Published on January 5, 2024
Key Middle East Provisions in the Fiscal Year 2024 National Defense Authorization Act
Published on December 15, 2023
The Abraham Accords Deserve a Special Envoy, Not More Bureaucracy
Published on July 17, 2023
Personnel Is Power: Why China Is Winning At The United Nations
Published on July 7, 2023
Are Special Envoys Getting Special Treatment from Congress?
Published on January 3, 2023
Iran, Russia Are Subverting The UN – Will Anyone Respond?
Published on November 21, 2022
Joe Biden Should Stand Up For Israel At UN
Published on June 30, 2022
It’s time for Biden to keep his promises on Israel and the U.N.
Published on January 12, 2022
Biden’s Baffling Decisions Leave Allies Wondering Where They Stand
Published on September 24, 2021